品葱用户 Cole 提问于 7/18/2020 如题 品葱用户 mangguo123 评论于 小粉红也是讲成分的，支持的那些小粉红大部分都是毛左原生马克思主义者，这帮人是真信马克思，大部分可能也是文革的执行人。 品葱用户 BXN …
川普總統讓美國成為世界笑話 -公開在白宮推銷Goya 牌食品 / 紐約人 7.16.2020
最近世界許多媒體報導中共當局多位官員表示希望川普可以連任, 因為在川普的任期間美國幾十年間努力經營的世界聯盟幾乎瓦解, 而且讓美國在疫情中成為國際笑柄, 多次攻擊CDC的醫生Faucci和其他的科學家. 以下是最新有關於川普自己製造出來的新聞, 公開在社交媒體推廣捐錢給他的Goya品牌食品 (Goya 是美國品牌, 生產拉丁民族系列罐裝食品). 川粉們, 他的行為有讓美國更偉大嗎? 難怪中共巴不得川普繼續連任.
來自: 紐約人, 7月16日2020年
The President Is Shilling Beans
By Masha Gessen
July 16, 2020
Donald Trump is changing the office beyond recognition, and he is doing it in plain view.Source: realdonaldtrump / Instagram
The President and his daughter Ivanka have been using their social-media accounts to advertise canned beans. On Twitter, she posed with a can of Goya black beans in her right hand, her left hand held as though cradling an imaginary cloud beneath the product. On Instagram, he sat at the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office, stars, stripes, and gold velvet curtains behind him, and Goya products arrayed in front of him. He held both thumbs up. In between attacking Joe Biden and the Times and touting his success at fighting the MS-13 gang, Trump tweeted, “.@GoyaFoods is doing GREAT. The Radical Left smear machine backfired, people are buying like crazy!” The First Family is fighting back against calls for a boycott of Goya after the company’s C.E.O., Robert Unanue, praised the President during a White House event last week.
“This one’s got everything: the Trump family, using official office to promote a private business, rewarding political allies with business help from the White House,” Noah Bookbinder, the executive director of Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, a watchdog group, tweeted. “So much corruption in one post, and likely a violation of ethics rules.” (According to the Department of Justice, “An employee’s position or title should not be used to coerce; to endorse any product, service or enterprise; or to give the appearance of governmental sanction.”) But corruption may not be the best term to describe this spectacle. The word implies something illicit, hidden from the public; the remedy for “corruption,” in political discourse, is usually “transparency.” The Trumps are, without a doubt, corrupting the Presidency in the sense that they are changing it beyond recognition, but they are doing it in plain view.
On the face of it, the shilling for beans is trolling. Like Trump’s lies, it’s a demonstration of power—he is saying, in effect, No matter how absurd, how blatantly false, how clearly spiteful and meaningless my statement or picture or post might be, you have no choice but to engage with it, because I am the President. Here, he wins every time: we do engage with his latest outrage, because ignoring it is the worse option.
As abuse of power goes, though, advertising Goya is almost negligible: smaller than the Ukraine scandal, or making pandemic aid to states conditional on loyalty and gratitude to the President, or threatening to withhold funding to school districts that do not reopen for in-person instruction. We’ve learned to move past Trump’s use of the Presidency as a protection racket and extortion machine—and we’ll move past Goya, too. But where will that take us?
Video From The New Yorker
Why You Should Add Crickets to Your Diet
When I’m at a loss for words to describe our political reality, I look to the work of Bálint Magyar. He is the Hungarian sociologist who has pioneered and systematized a language that political science can use to describe contemporary demagogues and the regimes they create. More than a decade ago, he described the Mafia state, a distinct political system built around a patron who distributes money and power. A year and a half ago, he told me that Trump acts “like a Mafia boss without a Mafia”: he couldn’t turn the United States into a Mafia state, but he was acting as though he could.
Since then, the U.S. has devolved in ways we couldn’t have imagined, and Magyar has continued his research on post-Communist autocracies, which, in turn, continue to offer ways to examine the American Presidency. Magyar’s new book, co-authored with Bálint Madlovics, is “The Anatomy of Post-Communist Regimes: A Conceptual Framework.” It contains, among other insights, a critique of how we usually talk about and measure corruption. Magyar and Madlovics write that the problem with measurements used by, say, Transparency International, which produces an annual index of perceived corruption, is that the index assumes that corruption represents a departure from a norm: “They understand the state by its formal identity: as dominantly an institution of the public good, with some subordinates who deviate from that purpose and abuse their position by requesting or accepting bribes and appointing cronies without a legitimate basis.” This view of corruption fails when confronted with a government to which corruption is central, or in which corruption is not voluntary but coercive—where the corrupt relationship is forced by one partner upon the other. In other words, conventional measures of corruption are not applicable to the U.S. under Trump. Corruption is no longer deviant in this country: it is instead the defining characteristic of this Presidency.
The U.S. is still a long way from meeting Magyar’s definition of a Mafia state. The pattern of relationships created by the Administration, however, points to what Magyar and Madlovics call “top-down state capture,” in which the people in charge instrumentalize the apparatus of the state for their own gain. This kind of state capture leads to a “criminal state pattern,” where corrupt relationships imposed from the top become permanent and unavoidable.
The term “criminal state pattern” is extraordinary even to contemplate at this moment, when, in the wake of nationwide Black Lives Matter protests, our society is questioning established notions of crime, criminality, and their opposite: the police. On the day of Trump’s Instagram post, the Times published a compilation of videos of New York City police attacking protesters, the agents of the state menacing and beating people for exercising their political rights. Such incidents have been documented all over the country, in keeping with the rhetoric and behavior of the head of state. The President and the First Daughter hawking the canned beans of one of their supporters while police attack protesters in the streets and a preventable pandemic rages unchecked through vast swathes of the population is what a criminal state looks like. It’s cruel, ridiculous, disgusting. And the President gives it two thumbs up.
品葱用户 jiuqiupeng 评论于 2020-07-17
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品葱用户 钦明方泽忘了密码 评论于 2020-07-17
品葱用户 假行僧 评论于 2020-07-18
品葱用户 MasonQian 评论于 2020-07-17
品葱用户 Black5Mao 评论于 2020-07-18
钦明方泽忘了密码** 评论于 2020-07-17
完全同意! 這就是反共運動需要注意的. 盲目的反共, 不尊重別人的觀點, 人權, 法治, 言論自由. 到時候只不過重複中共模板, 媳婦熬成婆, 再一次製造一個新的獨裁政權!
MasonQian** 评论于 2020-07-18
不认同你的观点! 中共令人痛恨因為他們: 獨裁, 殘暴, 不尊重法治, 貪婪, 不擇手段, 無恥歪曲事實, 竄改歷史, 藐視人權。 中共这批流氓和政治正确没有太大关系。 世界上左派政党没有几个像毛共可以在短短70年可以把国家，世界搞到如此恐怖： https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_anti-capitalist_and_communist_parties_with_national_parliamentary_representation
Black5Mao** 评论于 2020-07-18
不认同你的观点! 中共令人痛恨因為他們: 獨裁, 殘暴, 不尊重法治, 貪婪, 不擇手段, 無恥歪曲…
Black5Mao** 评论于 2020-07-18
完全同意! 這就是反共運動需要注意的. 盲目的反共, 不尊重別人的觀點, 人權, 法治, 言論自由….
品葱用户 海南雞飯 评论于 2020-07-18
海南雞飯** 评论于 2020-07-17
品葱用户 香蕉南波灣 评论于 2020-07-17
品葱用户 karamat 提问于 7/18/2020 胡叼盘还专门写了个长文批评美国？ 品葱用户 刁明澤 评论于 說好不打七寸的，怎麼就打了呢 再打下去要真要命啦 品葱用户 张二伯 评论于 2020-07-18 为什么反应如此强烈？ 我猜测 …
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品葱用户 疯狂习近平 提问于 7/15/2020 曾经，我真的很同情他们，同情他们被强拆，孩子吃奶粉吃成大脑袋，叫天不应叫地不灵，同情他们因为毒疫苗造成的脑瘫儿，想去上访，又被打成残疾，同情他们各种不公的遭遇下，哭泣绝望的眼神。 我曾经进了 …